Raffi K. Hovannisian’s Keynote Address

Heritage Party Fifth Congress *

11 July 2008
Yerevan

“The princes shall unite with thieves, bandits, and plunderers; the judges will be corrupted and render unfair judgment; the monks will abandon their deserts and sanctuaries, and they will engage in worldly affairs… The princes, too, likewise infected with that great and foul vice, will turn impudent and will travel along the wrong path. Leaving aside the obligation to keep their homes in good stead and the worries of completing a job successfully, they will become perennial drunkards because they will love and desire that evil and foul disease… They will honor the traitors and thieves, will unjustly seize the laborer’s property and will pass merciless judgment against them.”

Matteos Urhayetsi who, in his work Chronicle, showcases these jewels—which were written between 1023 and 1030 by Hovhannes Vartapet Kozern—continues: “That was the end of the land of the Armenians… When the good times come, when God in later times gives the believers that which he has promised, bestows upon them blissful days, their contemporaries will record and leave as memory for future generations for them to know that, behold, this is the fruit of the sins of our fathers which were sown and reaped sevenfold.”

Distinguished compatriots, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen:

Our national heritage truly is a mixed, bittersweet totality. This legacy is composed of great dreams, an ancient civilization, and a rich culture which has nourished the world, and it includes also a lost Fatherland, inadequacy and inability in the governance of our own state, and the smallness of Armenia—measured geographically, politically, and in every other sense.

Nevertheless, the important issue right here and right now is our future; it is the Armenia which we will hand down to the coming generations. This Armenia imperatively must be founded on the registration of and aspiration for truth, which itself requires political valor, mastery of rights, and moral determination.

When speaking about the foundations and prospects of the Republic, we must face the truth—at least from time to time during congresses and meetings—and take a very detached, stern, and complete look into the political mirror.

We always have deviated from the nation’s God-given road to democracy and the rule of law. And, in modern times, we have done so especially since 1995. These disgraceful deviations further deepened and became systematic in 1998, and specifically after the unprecedented and horrendous national tragedy of October 27, 1999. The details are known to everyone, whether engraved deep in our spirit, in our consciousness, or in their permanent reflection on the everyday life of each true Armenian.

The track record of the Heritage Party—which is a young and newly-established collective force—leads to a civic proposal replete with struggle, ascent and descent, forged with ebbs and flows. As you may recollect, the Third Congress was convened in May 2005—within this very hall and under these historic arches where the independence of Armenia was declared. But after the fraudulent referendum for a “new and improved” Constitution, this place became a forbidden fruit for us and many others.

This was followed by never-ending harassment and already-familiar pressures, even the inspection of my children at the national airport, where customs officials tried to find state secrets inside their Armenian History textbooks and other school folders. And this parade of cowardice and unlawful actions was crowned with the forcible lockdown of Heritage’s headquarters, the theft of information from the computer database at the headquarters, the organized persecution of the party’s members and supporters, the investigations, and the summons of the most modest of contributors, likely landlords, and even simple friends to the agencies of the national security service and office of the prosecutor general for questioning and “guidance.”

Our Fourth Congress was held in August 2006 at the auditorium of the Writers’ Union of Armenia. We therefore are forever indebted to our writers, who gave us “shelter” at a time when—in fulfillment of countless administrative directives—we formally were a persecuted political party. But not in the Soviet Union or Turan; in our own country—Armenia.

Even so, we then vowed together that our internal fire of faith and fatherland is inextinguishable and our spirit of struggle for progress, unbreakable. You remember all too well that it was with a long-standing media blockade and a locked-down headquarters that last year we ventured into the next uneven and unjust ordeal. It was the parliamentary elections and, after making a call for unity—which, sadly, was not answered—we nonetheless participated in these elections and triumphed. Despite unequal campaign opportunities and unfair election results, we entered the National Assembly and continued our quest there in the name of the people, together with our fellow citizens, in pursuit of the protection of each and every fundamental human right.

Then elections again, this time presidential. Not having our own candidate, we made yet another strategic appeal for unity, which yet again was poorly grasped. Then came the infamous February 19, with its nationwide coercions, clearly improper methods of political battle, and the resulting affront on our republican legitimacy. But February 19 came also with the renaissance of the people’s spirit, a civic consciousness, and an important public empowerment.

During this Congress we welcome not only the Armenian Republic’s Prime Minister but also Armenia’s first President Levon Ter-Petrosyan, former presidential candidate Arman Melikyan, and party leaders—from the ruling administration and the opposition alike—who have contributed to the nation’s recognition of the long-awaited mastery of its own rights.

But the series of regrettable events is not over yet. Inexcusably we allowed the arrival of the national tragedy of March 1-2 when, against the background of essentially illegal and imaginary foundations for declaring a state of emergency, the authorities carried out a premeditated crackdown against peaceful citizens and demonstrators who were exercising their constitutional rights, and, in actual fact, an anti-liberty operation was carried out at Liberty Square. Slaughter ensued as the heart of Armenia’s capital became a stage for the murder of Armenian by Armenian—another great calamity indeed. Not one mastermind, perpetrator, or even suspect has been exposed to date and instead statements have been issued to the effect that the people themselves opened fire on the police. Heritage, again true to its essence, called for unity, designed programs for discourse and understanding, and initiated invitations for dialogue and conciliation which to this day remain unanswered. All these measures carried the purpose of achieving justice through discovery of the plain truth.

Fellow countrymen, Heritage members and supporters, Armenian citizens, friends:

I am proud of each and every one of you, both absent and present here today. I am proud of our executive board, which today will submit to you its plenipotentiary powers, the parameters of its public service, and the accounting of its activities. I am proud of our parliament members, who never sought a secure corner, did not desert the cause, and instead insisted on staying upon the front lines—at that place where they found under threat the interests of the Armenian people and the citizen of the Republic, and thus their task of fulfilling his rights, hopes, and beliefs. They strived, and will continue to strive, to guarantee the rule of law and all rights—liberty, life, speech, assembly, clean air, proprietorship, and dignity—in our native land. Many stood by us on the front line; they are the salt of this earth, its backbone, and its tomorrow.

And today in the presence of two individuals, I would like to pay my respects to the national heritage: Parandzem Mairik, a hero’s mother who at all times has stood firmly in her fallen son’s living memory, and, in the face of his life partner Grizelda, the incomparable and immortal Rafael Ghazarian—the pioneer, the intellectual, the soldier, and the general—who is with us always.

Dear citizens:

The March 1 tragedy really stands as a crucial divide in modern Armenian history. Those who conceived, ordered and executed the official crackdown, as well as the ensuing state of emergency, have their share of responsibility in the deepening of illegitimacy and distrust in the country. The truth, and nothing but the truth, will eliminate the growing abyss and allow Armenia and the Armenians to advance toward national, democratic, and civil horizons.

From the very beginning, we have wished the best for the parliament’s ad hoc committee, and we have done everything to ensure that it functions and earns its portion of public confidence. To that end we have we have sought to clarify both the reaches and depths of its authority, and also the scope of its power and responsibility. The new board will make its decision with respect to this matter, but you know very well that Heritage had nominated, as its delegates to the committee, two fellow MPs—Miasnik Malkhasian and Sasun Mikaelian—who, because of political directives, are in prison, whose legal status is innocent, and whose participation would have brought a comprehensiveness of substance and process to the activities of the aforesaid committee.

If this committee is to carry out its extremely important mission, it is essential that it invite all possible witnesses, experts, and officials—both former and current. As I already have urged, the committee must invite Armenia’s three presidents, and specifically the second president together with his security chief and senior staff, to offer their full testimony.

In this connection, there is a burning question which followed me to Strasbourg: Is it possible to attain a high level of faith in the National Assembly’s ad hoc committee when the parliament itself is an accomplice to the March 1 tragedy and the ensuing events? The committee, too, should ask that question of itself. The alarming concern sounded by this query was one of the underpinnings of our position at Strasbourg. Let us recollect that while on October 27 it was the National Assembly which received the coup d’etat, today it is complicit in and responsible for the crime against our people.

I do not wish to predict or prejudice this process at all, but some observers might indeed reach the conclusion that those who forcibly locked down and broke into Heritage headquarters, those who harassed you, our opposition partners and rank-and-file citizens alike, those who carried out illicit surveillance through wiretap and other cowardly means, and those who searched our children are the same people who gave the order for, and executed, the March 1 tragedy.

Yes, it is time to forge the promise of unity. The bell has tolled, but we will accomplish that unity solely by way of the truth. And we are very proud that we have in our country a true bearer of the fight for truth, dignity, and human rights, someone who is free of any political affiliation and partisanship. I welcome Ombudsman Armen Harutiunian, who is among us today.

Fellow countrymen:

Many things have been said with respect to our push for democracy, for the importance of instituting a universal system of values so as to overcome the flaws and internal obstacles which have a directly adverse effect on Armenia’s foreign policy, state interests, the Artsakh question, and on the entire constitution of our national security. I repeat: Notwithstanding the injustice of the parliamentary elections and a public consensus over the farce that was their official result, Heritage adopted—at the National Assembly, on the streets, in prisons, at police stations, and elsewhere—a substantive approach flowing from the precept of participatory democracy. At the parliament, it raised issues concerning the socioeconomic, scientific, and educational domains, fought for the protection of human rights, and also launched initiatives and draft legislation with respect to good governance, separation of powers, and other national priorities.

Having accurately tracked the momentum and trajectory of international developments in respect of the Kosovo issue, Heritage presented to the National Assembly a draft law formally to recognize the Mountainous Karabagh Republic (MKR). But after continual delays and a variety of self-interested, partisan, and small-spirited statements, the parliament was too poor even to approve the draft law for inclusion in its official agenda so that Armenia, alone in this world as Artsakh’s guardian, could have gained yet another opportunity to declare—through discourse with the body politic, consideration of the citizens’ views, and in conversation with national interests—that yes, MKR deserves to be recognized as a free, decolonized, self-determined, and sovereign state.

We are not searching for the guilty; everyone is entitled to his opinion. We also can—and do—take blows and insinuations, and criticisms, too, even though we choose not to honor polemical, parochial, insidious, and dishonorable allegations with our right of reply. The real issue here is not Heritage, but rather the future of the Armenian people. If you yourselves follow up on this, you will see how the events unfolding in the international arena gradually are transforming to the detriment of Artsakh.

A one-sided, anti-historic, and juridically unfounded document was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly with the intention of annexing Artsakh and our ancestral homelands to Azerbaijan. This was followed by the infamous retreats at the Council of Europe, where the UN document was put into circulation in its chambers as well. Subsequently, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe’s (PACE) President Lluís Maria de Puig went to Baku. And there he, my colleague and friend, who was intentionally misinformed of our issues, apparently allowed himself several baseless expressions—which were unworthy of the Council of Europe, its standards and values, its President and its members—and for them we definitely must receive an explanation.

Yet this was not the end of the long chain. The president of the Russian Federation, Armenia’s strategic ally, went to Baku and signed an accord of mutual commitment, interstate friendship, and strategic partnership. And it was here once again that the alarm sounded and we realized that, among the issues of our friends, adversaries, and neighbors, we also have our own sovereign foundations and the imperative of securing our own national dignity and vital interests through unselfish sacrifice and enduring dedication. What does this mean? Armenia’s strategic partner goes to Baku and officializes commitments which should have been part of a treaty signed with Armenia, whereby our boundaries and territorial integrity would be duly underscored based on current realities and under international law. This is unbecoming of an ally, of a mediating country from the OSCE, and, sadly, of a good historic friend.

National dignity is an eternal value and we cannot allow anyone, from within or abroad, to play games with that dignity. We will demand explanations, we will see to it that the positions are reviewed and reversed.  We will attempt to do our share in the historic and contemporary mission of bridging the East and the West. We also will pursue the imperative of improving Iran-US relations, which stems from our interests. But this can be effective solely in the case when we ourselves are inherently legitimate and endowed with a democratic and united public mandate that is inalienable, strong, and sourced in right.

And as we contemplate the lessons of freedom and honor, I am most pleased that Zhirair Sefilian, the devoted soldier of Artsakh’s quest for liberty and self-defense, has finally returned to us and is now sitting among our party faithful.

Alongside our sovereign tricolor, the Heritage Party certainly can and will raise the flag of the European Union.  This priority direction is underscored in the platforms and charters of Heritage and several other parties. After all, our civilization, which was born in the Armenian Plateau, is one of the ancient springs of European culture.  This, however, can come true only if Europe honors its own values and criteria.

Armenia and Europe must deserve one another. Indeed, this challenge relates primarily to the assessment of Armenia’s domestic conduct, its democratic present and future, and its dilemma of choice between playing a leading role in the region and becoming alienated far beyond. But in order to make a comprehensive analysis, we must expect from Europe that it too remain true to its own principles and benchmarks and, when it speaks about the rule of law, it makes sure that this law is applied evenly, everywhere, and in all domains—protection of human rights, institution of democracy, prevention and condemnation of genocides, recognition of newly independent states, and preservation of cultural heritage. And our tortuous history as witness, this has to be done without excuses and justifications and without geopolitical predilections or agendas.

Yes, Azerbaijan will come to answer for its crime committed in broad daylight against Armenian and hence European cultural heritage. I am speaking about the destruction of the medieval Armenian cross-stones of Jugha, Nakhichevan. And they are even bold enough to deny the Council of Europe’s official rapporteur access to that site where, during the term of its membership, a member-state of the Council carried out an official crime against fundamental European values. Azerbaijan likewise will ultimately accept—perhaps not openly, but at least in the deep within—not that it lost Artsakh, but rather that it never had it in the first place. Yes, we agree to dialogue and pacific resolution of conflict through meaningful negotiations of various kinds. However, Azerbaijan must be the first among the world to understand that in the late Soviet expanse, the fall of the Berlin Wall was Artsakh’s fight for freedom as they both shared the blood-stained standard of identity, unity, and peace.

In constant reminder of the anguish of anti-Semitism, it behooves all humans to join in that movement and say “no” to anti-Semitism and to all xenophobia in its every form and everywhere. But the aggressively discriminatory, often violent conduct against Armenians likewise must be impermissible for all, and Azerbaijan similarly will be held accountable for its anti-Armenian policy which in recent times has deepened further and turned epidemic.

We wish all the best to Turkey, our important neighbor, because on its road to Europe it has a broad and deep divide to bridge; it is the most terrible abyss of its modern-day history. It is the fact that the Republic of Turkey, which aspires for Europe, was founded not only on the genocidal exclusion of the Armenian people but on the destruction of its ancestral heartland known as the cradle of civilization.   Therefore, it is necessary that not we, nor Europe, but rather Turkey itself follow the example of post-war Germany and ponder the future of European Turkey, what it must do to normalize relations with Armenia, to accept and teach about the Great Armenian Dispossession, to restore and return the Armenian patrimony, and to resolve all divisive issues by means of direct and good-faith discussions. From Strasbourg to Washington and from Berlin to Ankara, it must be careful when using the word “occupation.” Because one day someone might ask Turkey, or its delegates, how many homelands were occupied to create today’s Turkish republic.

And, in this light, there is a lot of talk these days about committees and boundaries. All Armenian administrations very wisely have pursued the policy which posits that Armenia is prepared to establish relations with Turkey without any preconditions. This notwithstanding, Armenia’s border with Turkey is not merely closed.  The unilaterally imposed closure of the frontier in itself constitutes an illegal blockade, an act of enmity, which violates not only international law but also the very treaties of Moscow and Kars on which Turkey depends to delimit its eastern boundary. Tread with caution. These are all things to bear in mind, and we again wish them well.

Georgia also has unfulfilled obligations with respect to the identity, security, and integrity of Javakhk and its Armenian majority, and also in connection with various properties belonging to the Armenian Church and minority rights in general.  Effectively to resolve these matters, however, we need to deliver a society and authority which are democratically united and therefore capable of carrying through our collective quest in pursuit of our vital national interests.

And it should never be like what took place in Strasbourg recently when, during the PACE discussions of the resolutions on Azerbaijan and Armenia, our state’s entire administrative, intellectual, budgetary, and organizational resources were directed toward covering up our democratic shortfalls and saving the face of the ruling administration. And all this was done at the expense of the national interest of the Armenian people and the Republic of Armenia.

And what are we doing in the meantime? We have political prisoners and prolonged detentions of political figures, members of parliament, intellectuals, and ordinary citizens including women. President, prime minister, prosecutor general, security chief: Our downfall starts right here. Shame on us! Our downfall is right here.

There abides an extraordinary imperative, and an urgent need, to surmount this crisis of lawlessness and public distrust through an essential transformation of the political paradigm. Yes, the judicial system in our country must be independent, but not just with words, interviews, and interventions. Its independence must be evidenced by the deeds of the president, and not by continually promoting those officials who, in their recent years, have abused, mocked, and violated the independence of that judicial system.

It is only by way of the rule of law and by holding the “princes” accountable that we will be able to wage an anti-trust war and liberate the national economy so that an impetus can be given to industry and to small and mid-sized entrepreneurship together with relevant tax incentives. At the same time we must protect the environment, our clean air and surrounding nature, and thus guard this last sliver of God-given Armenia against the likes of the Teghut mining project.

Certainly the rule of law, certainly a campaign against corruption are in order. But this is not the Soviet Union; it is the independent Republic of Armenia. And everyone must come to understand that corruption is not a mere giving and taking of bribes. Corruption is also the conflict of interest and the abuse of official power for private gain. Let them speak—and they must speak—and we welcome it, but at the same time they should start that fight from the top down. Everyone must commence with himself, his brothers, family, staff, and only then will we see how Armenia turns into a lawful and rightful democratic country.

To view corruption it might prove necessary first and foremost to visit Yerevan’s Northern Avenue, the new city center which was born of injustice but now hosts the aspiration for freedom. And an inventory must be made of the properties there which belong not only to the officers of the Service for Mandatory Execution of Judicial Acts but also to current and former high-ranking officials who have homes, offices, stores, and foundations on that site. At what cost, and on what contractual and legal grounds, did those buildings rise and were those properties allotted therein?

This is why Heritage and other associations that work with us demanded long ago the establishment of a special prosecutor’s institution in Armenia, as well as constitutional and legislative amendments which will enable the special prosecutor to apply the law with an independent authority, pursuant to the letter and spirit of the law, and from the highest to the lowest—in the very same prosecutor’s office, the national security service, the government, the presidential palace—among opposition circles, and everywhere and without any exceptions.

Furthermore, the opposition and NGOs must oversee the activities of the audit chamber and other institutions of public oversight. And both inside and outside the parliament, under the law and in real life, the opposition must be empowered fully to carry out its constitutional and national responsibility to act as restraint, check, and balance.

Dear compatriots:

We are in immediate and urgent need of that all-inclusive breakthrough anchored in real discourse, national solidarity, and democratic transformation. Otherwise, only new elections will be able to resolve the crucible of national crisis and to heal the pain and trauma of tragedy.

The Heritage party’s at once regular and extraordinary challenge is to remain as ever in the undivided service of its country and people, without necessarily aspiring to platforms, stages, offices, rewards, or blessings. And it is up to us, and we are so obliged, to demonstrate from this very moment that Heritage does not turn on a one-man pivot and that it has matured to become a democratic, civic, and Charentsian unity of collective force. We now set foot upon the most responsible, accountable, and difficult period in our test of Heritage’s selfless devotion, committed leadership, conscientious service, and institutional performance. And so let us be worthy of our heritage, however bitter or sweet.

In the name of faith and fatherland, and bringing life to Siamanto’s exhortation, the end of the age-old Armenian trek is victory, for one and for all, for citizen and nation, and for the twin peaks of our eternity. Said Charents: “Like the path to unattainable glory.…”

* Unofficial Translation